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All Together! All Together!
solidarność

August 1980. The Wall and the gate of the Gdansk shipyard... the striking workers... the crowd of peaceful people...

In the West, these images are splashed across television screens and newspaper columns. Events immortalised by a few amateur photographers, by passers-by, but also by foreign journalists and reporters who come from the West to be at the heart of the action...

The images of faraway Poland, behind the Iron Curtain, where workers went on strike, gradually penetrated world public opinion...

Interview of Leszek Biernacki

 

" I've always carried a camera with me. When I arrived at the shipyard and saw what was going on, I started taking pictures. I couldn't stop, I felt it was important, that it was necessary to preserve these moments..."

 

August 1980. Gdansk shipyard workers go on strike. The first moments of the protests are immortalized by Leszek Biernacki, a 20-year-old boy. An art school graduate, he always carried a camera with him. The photos he took during the first week of the strike will be sent to newspaper editors in Gdansk, Gdynia, Sopot and other cities to inspire hope and encourage people to protest.

First days of strike...

Leszek Biernacki and his friends from a theatre company perform in the centre of Gdansk "Pulcinello", theatre dell'arte, and the show "Dragon". Crowds flocked to see it. Biernacki tries to convince his companions to go to the shipyard and perform for the workers. But his colleagues in the troupe feared reprisals. He goes alone to the shipyard.

 

"I went alone to the shipyard. At the entrance, two flags, that of Poland and that of the Vatican, lots of flowers around a portrait of John Paul II. The atmosphere at the entrance was just as it had been a year earlier, during the Pope's first pilgrimage to Poland. A loudspeaker announces that the strike is continuing. A wooden cross in front of the door. The shipyard guards saw me taking photos and invited me in to photograph the strike. [...] I was given a permanent pass, so I could look around, talk and take photos. I worked closely with the shipyard strike committee, which included - albeit sporadically - Anna Walentynowicz and Lech Wałęsa. After the Pope's pilgrimage in 1979, I bought a boxed set of several CDs containing a selection of papal songs and homilies from the first pilgrimage. I took it to the shipyard. The shipyard worker played them from time to time over the loudspeaker in the BHP hall. So the Pope was not only present in the form of a portrait on the door, he was also talking to the workers. All the while, I was taking photos, going home, developing the negatives, enlarging them in the bathroom where I'd set up a secret darkroom, and taking them to the strikers."


Gdansk shipyard, August 1980

© Leszek Biernacki

Samustio nserates doluptat itatquo quia aut officium re voloris ari des dus eicilit la delest, cusant
Samustio nserates doluptat itatquo quia aut officium re voloris ari des dus eicilit la delest, cusant

Hopes

Summer of 1980

It all begins with Anna Walentynowicz…

The strike was initiated by a small group of workers, between 30 and 50 people, who on the morning of 14 August 1980 called for a strike in solidarity with Anna Walentynowicz. This shipyard worker - she had worked there for thirty years - had been sacked just before her retirement. She was a valued colleague, a woman involved in the fight for free trade unions and for the erection of a memorial in honour of the victims of the 1970 strike, which broke out at the same Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk on 14 December 1970, igniting strikes in neighbouring towns on the Baltic coast (Gdynia, Szczecin, Slupsk, Elblag) and was bloodily crushed by the Communist regime. The exact number of victims was unknown at the time. Many families never found the bodies of their loved ones. Since then, an appeal has been launched for a monument to be erected in memory of the victims of this massacre.

Anna Walentynowicz is an emblematic figure of the days in August when the shipyard went on strike. She inspired, supported and mobilised people throughout the strike...

"We were reborn as a people. We felt hope, the hope of being worthy, of being at home, of being a guest.... It's said that once they've closed the door to their home, people rediscover their intimacy: contact with their wife, their children, their books. Many people want to find themselves again, using the door of their home to form a separation from the professional sphere, and the marvellous thing about this strike is that the professional sphere acquired dignity, nobility and sublimity, and was such that .... it never occurred to anyone to slam the door and leave."
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Tadeusz Knade, Kto tu wpuscił dziennikarzy?, Qui a laissé entrer les journalistes  ici ?, p. 246.

National symbols, religious symbols, so omnipresent during the August strikes. In Gdańsk and other cities. To give shape to the community they had created, they used historical categories.

It was thanks to journalists from all over the world, representing the world's biggest press agencies, radio stations and television channels, that Western societies discovered the Polish workers on strike at the Gdansk shipyard. And through them, they began to discover the world behind the Iron Curtain. 

 

The workers' strikes in Gdansk, whose images were broadcast in the Western press and television, provoked many positive and enthusiastic reactions around the world. Interpretations and viewpoints varied widely.

Claudio Mésoniat and Maurizio Balestra followed the events from Ticino.

 

 

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Entretien avec Claudio Mésoniat, mené par Renata Latała, 8 Septembre 2020, Massagno (Lugano).

Hopes

Genesis of the revolt

"We'd known for a long time that something was going to happen. The situation in the country was tense and people were frustrated. Not only the workers, but also the party officials. As I travelled around the country and came into contact with different circles, I had been observing a growing bitterness and discontent for years."

Wojciech Adamiecki

 

We've had enough!

The great wave of strikes, which reached its peak in Gdansk, received a great deal of media coverage in the West and went down in history as the emergence of the legal Solidarnosc, did not start on the Baltic coast. The strikes began in July 1980 in the Lublin region of eastern Poland. Triggered by the rise in the price of meat, the strikes focused on wage demands because of the dramatic economic situation: inflation, shortages, especially of meat, but also of many other products.

In a situation where the only employer was the state, and private enterprise was virtually non-existent, the workers, the factory workers, decided to rebel against the state, which owned most of the factories, and demanded pay rises.

These first strikes in July spread to other regions of Poland, but it was at the Gdansk shipyard that the protest movement crystallised.

 

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Wojciech Adamiecki, Kto tu wpuścił dziennikarzy?, p. 86.

Interview with Bohdan Górski

 

"Poland's economic situation in the early 1980s was tragic."…»

Bohdan Górski, an economist and expert on the countries of the Soviet bloc, followed events in Poland closely from his exile in Switzerland. He describes the paradox of the Communist system.


 

"A refugee arrives at the Swiss border. The first refugee is a cat. The Swiss reply:
       - But, cat, what are you doing here? You can chase mice everywhere!
       - No, I can't.
- But why?’ ask the Swiss.
- Because there are laws now. Cats can no longer hunt alone. They have to join a cooperative to hunt mice. But the cats that were in those cooperatives died of hunger because the cooperatives never did anything. There are too many mice, but the Party doesn't want to do anything. That's why I'm asking for asylum.
- Of course, of course... come in.
And the cat gets asylum.
 
A second refugee arrives at the border. It's a dog. The Swiss ask him:
- But dog, what are you doing here?
- I'm in danger,’ replies the dog.
- But how? You can bark everywhere!
- No, now dogs can only bark within the framework of the Party and only if the Party asks them to. And if I can't bark freely, I'm as good as dead. So I left.
- Well, come in then.
Et le chien obtient l’asile. 

 

Then comes a third refugee. He's a rabbit. The Swiss ask him:
- But really, rabbit, why do you come here?
- I'm in danger.
- Really? In danger?
- Yes, there is a new law which stipulates that all elephants must be castrated.
- Yes, but you're not an elephant!
- Yes, but they catch you, castrate you and only then can you prove that you're not an elephant!’
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Entretien avec Bohdan Górski, mené par par Renata Latała, 22 Juin 2020, Villars-sur-Glâne.

"‘There was the conviction that this nation - stifled, crushed, deprived of a voice, deprived of the possibility of self-fulfilment - was going to explode. There were visions of bloody massacres, of extreme reprisals. People were convinced that the Party leadership had long since exceeded the limits of the population's psychological resistance and that, as the population was not organised, it would react chaotically. These were catastrophic, apocalyptic visions.These visions stemmed from the fact that the authorities had succeeded in creating a very strong atomisation of society, that with the help of propaganda, with all the pseudo-values disseminated in the mass media, they had created a distrust of man towards man, internal dissensions, but also a disintegration of the established structure, be it layers, classes, groups, ...".

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Ref. Ryszard Kapuscinski, Kto tu wpuścił dziennikarzy?, p. 15.

John Paul II's pontifical visit to Poland

"Don't be afraid..."

John Paul II's first pilgrimage to Poland, in June 1979, made it possible for the first time to experiment with an ethical bond in the public arena, bringing together a large section of society.
Values such as human dignity, the dignity of work and the importance of community were emphasised in John Paul II's speech. His words, his presence, gave hope to a materially and morally exhausted society in the midst of an economic and psychological crisis.

 

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Evelest, que sendi optas incia dita pro evendi aute excestrum quiae cum fugit officae ctiisitis comnis audam fuga. Ilicid maximolorpos veresto consequatur sus aut ulla dolorro vendelist, ut ad magnis conesciet faccum aceped est, corerovit.

Uniting

 

"This gate didn't divide people, it united them..."

"This gate didn't divide people, it united them. On one side, the shipyard workers, on the other, the city. Husbands on one side, wives and children on the other. The strikers came out in front of the gates, greeting their children, often very small, in baby carriages. The women would ask in front of everyone in a worried voice: "When are you coming home?" And they: "When are we coming home? Well, you know, we don't know when we'll be back. We're waiting for them to come and talk to us." We felt that behind this portal, there was a completely different world, that there were different laws. It's totally indescribable. I stood there and watched. I found myself on the border of another world."

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Réf. : Wojciech Adamiecki, Who let the Journalists in? , p. 86

The inter-company strike committee was set up on 16 August, with 19 delegates representing 388 companies. Attempts by the authorities to negotiate with different worksites separately, in order to break the solidarity between workers, were unsuccessful. The delegates formulated a list of their 21 postulates. The first was the demand for a free trade union.

The mobilisation continues to grow across the country and embraces all walks of life.

Intellectuals express their support for the workers' cause. Opposition activists grouped around KOR and RAPCIO.

On 20 August, sixty-two Warsaw intellectuals, many of them internationally known, some of them members of the Communist Party, launched an appeal in favour of free trade unions and called for the recognition of the MKS.

On 24 August, a group of intellectuals of all persuasions arrived at the site. They were to form a 'commission of experts' to help the strike committee prepare documents for the negotiations.

 

Hopes

23-30 August

Opening of the negotiations between government and strikers: one thousand delegates present, representing six hundred companies.

"In the hall of the Lenin shipyard, the government negotiators stand under a statue of Lenin, the Solidarity negotiators under a cross, and between them a Polish eagle."

The strikers' newsletter, “Solidarity”, with a print run of 40,000 copies, gives a day-by-day account of the negotiations.

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Tadeusz Knade, Kto tu wpuscił dziennikarzy?, Qui a laissé entrer les journalistes  ici ?, p. 246.

INTERVIEW WITH RUTH DREIFUSS

 

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Entretien avec Ruth Dreifuss mené par Renata Latala,  le 13 décembre 2022, Genève

Quote from the graphic designer who created the logo

The graphic design of the "Solidarnosc" logo was created by Jerzy Janiszewski. The artist offered the logo - as a gift - first to the Inter-Enterprise Committee, then to the Trade Union.

Jerzy Janiszewski's account of how the idea came to fruition:

"From the very first days of the strike, I stood outside the shipyard gates. It was a great experience. It was the first time I'd witnessed such events. I saw how solidarity was established between people, how a social movement was born and how institutions joined in. All this had a strong impact on my psyche. I wanted to get through to the other side of the gate. Outside, there were only terse messages. I wanted to help the shipyard workers in some way. I managed to get a pass (...) I wanted to create a symbol, an expressive sign with which I could show them my support, prove our link with them. (...)

I started thinking about the slogan. There were so many on the walls... They kept repeating the word "solidarity"... It was also the title of the Strike Bulletin. I chose that word because it was the most difficult to describe what was happening to people. I don't remember exactly when the idea for the graphic form of the inscription came to me. (...) The concept was based on a similarity: just as people in a tight crowd support each other out of solidarity, which was characteristic of the crowd at the gate, those standing did not push or repel each other, but supported each other - so the letters of the word should also support each other, not be separated or attack each other. I started to hurry. I wanted to finish the idea in detail before the government commission arrived, so that they too could feel that this was the case. Finally, I combined the letters. I also added the flag, because I was aware that the problem was no longer just environmental, but general, that it was a mass movement, and that our flag should fly above it. The letters have a distinctly "sloppy" look, but that's their strength. This is how they were written on the walls, and this form was the most communicative in this particular situation."

 

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Evelest, que sendi optas incia dita pro evendi aute excestrum quiae cum fugit officae ctiisitis comnis audam fuga. Ilicid maximolorpos veresto consequatur sus aut ulla dolorro vendelist, ut ad magnis conesciet faccum aceped est, corerovit.

The movement was born

The agreements on the 21 postulates were signed in Szczecin on 30 August, in Gdansk on 31 August and in Jastrzebie (in Silesia) on 3 September, putting an end to the general strike and paving the way for the creation of the autonomous trade union. Solidarność, independent from the government.

 

Journalists, photographers and foreign observers are in Gdansk during these turbulent days of August to report on events at the Gdansk Shipyard. They not only witnessed the events, they also contributed to them. Their reports, articles and photographs helped to spread information about events in Poland, their significance and their geopolitical context.

The conclusion of the August Agreements and the creation of the Solidarność Union have become a "global media event".

 

« Solidarność it's a community of people of good will, created spontaneously by a deeper solidarity, the solidarity of consciences".

"Solidarity is always solidarity around a certain dialogue."

Józef Tischner, Etyka Solidarności

The movement legal Solidarnosc unites social groups that had previously lived apart: workers, intellectuals, but also farmers and students. All these groups had previously acted separately, as we saw during the revolts of 1956, 1968 and 1970.

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Entretien de Bohdan Górski réalisé par Renata Latała, 22 Juin 2020, Villars-sur-Glâne.

Solidarność Congress

5 - 10 September / 26 September - 7 October

 

First Solidarność Congress

 "The delegates clearly understood that this was much more than a trade union congress: it was a patriotic gathering, an alternative parliament unprecedented in the Soviet bloc, a national assembly - and not just of the Third Estate. Not surprisingly, the symbolic politics of this Polish National Assembly were superb. From the moment the electronic scoreboard lit up with the sign of the cross and the words 'Polonia semper fidelis', as Walesa rose to sing once again 'Poland is not yet lost...' and 'God protect Poland...', the usually soulless Olivia sports hall was filled with the spirit of the nation's martyrs. No opportunity was missed to show that here were the true heirs of the great tradition of Polish ideals, the other, true people's Poland, whose history is remembered every month." 

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Timothy Ash, The Polish Revolution: Solidarity, Penguin Books (1983), 1999, p. 217.

Photo : Leszek Biernacki, 1981.  

The Solidarność union, founded in Poland in 1980, became a movement with a political scope, claiming the idea of national solidarity. It brings together people with different points of view, but all driven by the conviction that it is necessary to defend fundamental values, many of which are inspired by human rights. The Solidarność union's idea of solidarity, born of socialist thought and a national and working-class tradition, also has its roots in Christian ethics. With its 10,000 members from all walks of life, the Solidarność union aspires to create a new social consensus.

Flyers fall from the sky...

Communist government propaganda tried to make Solidarność's trade unionists into Solidarność into enemies of the nation, accusing them of anarchy, of inappropriate policies aimed at Poland's self-destruction. With the police, media, press and censorship in their hands, the authorities had the means to manipulate opinion in order to divide society and discredit the actions of the independent trade union. Solidarność.

Solidarność has had to fight constantly against attacks and manipulations in order not to lose its link with society as a whole. The leaflets, bulletins and printed material published by the union's local and regional structures Solidarność provided information on the situation in the country and helped to maintain links. They announced rallies, strikes, demonstrations and hunger marches, as well as government crackdowns on trade unionists and the opposition.

 

Solidarność is a broad and very diverse movement, based on a consensus of values to be defended, accepting differences of opinion, disputes over doctrines and divergent convictions.

 

Beyond the borders

The Solidarność movement aroused great interest in international public opinion. Attitudes towards this labor movement and the perception of the Polish context were not uniform, often provoking different reactions. Solidarność fascina. Solidarność questionna. Solidarność inquiéta…

In contrast to the cautious, reserved policy of the majority of Western governments, and even to the mistrust of certain political circles, fearing the destabilization of the situation in the Eastern bloc, Solidarność being perceived as a threat to the progress of the détente process, potentially leading to an escalation of the East-West conflict, there was enthusiasm in favor of Solidarność within Western societies.

The media coverage of the "Polish experience", which is opening up new "horizons of expectation and hope", is bringing increased attention to a country in this "other Europe", hitherto little known or perceived as peripheral, located behind the Iron Curtain. Human-to-human links are being forged, crossing borders and breaking down the walls (and, more specifically, the Wall) that separate individuals and societies.

 

Interview of Clive Loertscher

Teacher and unionist

"The hope was great..."

" In Solidarity, first of all, it was the name that I found so beautiful (...) It was hope for Europe because we were still in the period of the two blocs (...) it came out of this oposition America - Soviet Union, or Eastern Bloc - Western Bloc Bloc (...) it gave the impression that there was another way forward for Europe, which wanted to reunify... so this hope was immense."

 

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Entretien avec Clive Loertscher mené par Renata Latała, 10 September 2020, Grandvaux. 

Interview with Ruth Dreifuss

 

"There were attempts to exploit the movement by various circles in Switzerland..."


 

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Entretien avec Ruth Dreifuss, mené par Renata Latala, le 23 Novembre 2020, Genève. 

From Switzerland to Pologne

From August 1980 onwards, several groups and circles with divergent political leanings mobilized in Switzerland in support of the movement. Some actions were spontaneous, others took more organized forms, often in the wake of the socialist or trade union movement.

As soon as the Gdansk agreements were signed, and the Polish Free Trade Union founded, Solidarność support committees were set up all over Western Europe, as well as in a number of non-European countries (Australia, USA, Mexico). At the origin of these initiatives were individuals and various groups: Polish emigrants, often second-generation, intellectual circles, Catholic circles, political or trade union activists.

In several countries, this movement is based on committees or organisations already founded in the 1970s to support the democratic opposition in Poland or other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, in what was then defined as the Eastern Bloc. This was notably the case in Switzerland. One of these support committees was set up in French-speaking Switzerland (Geneva, Lausanne, Jura) in the wake of the Committee of Socialist Solidarity with Opponents in Eastern Europe (CSSOPE). Les militants du CSSOPE, dès août 1980, s’engagent dans le soutien au syndicat Solidarność par des campagnes d’informations et en récoltant de l’argent.

​Entretien avec Clive Loertscher

Among those committed to supporting Solidarność from the outset was Clive Loertscher, a teacher and unionist from Vaud.

 

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Entretien avec Clive Loertscher mené par Renata Latała,10 September 2020, Grandvaux. 

Réf. : Le Courier, 10.03.1981.

Entretien avec Marcel Gerber

 

«Une révolution  »

 

 

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Visite des syndicalistes suisses en Pologne, Filmé par Marcer Gerber, Fonds privé Marcel Gerber

 

Swiss Unionists in Poland

Solidarność, as an independent union, regarded as "true self-managed trade unionism", intervening on behalf of its members to defend their economic rights, but which neither aspires to power nor stands against the constitutional order, arouses interest particularly within the Swiss trade union movement, socialist or Trotskyist circles. In this wave of enthusiasm for Solidarność, several Swiss trade unionists travel to Poland to visit companies and meet Solidarność members.
One of these visits is made by Trotskyist militants and unionists from CSSOPE. Hosted by the Solidarność of Lower Silesia and Mazovia, between April 11 and 20, 1981 they visited companies in Wroclaw and Warsaw and met with union members from both regions.

Entretien avec Clive Loertscher

 

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Entretien avec Clive Loertscher mené par Renata Latała, 10 September 2020, Grandvaux.

Delegation of Solidarność in Switzerland

In May 1981, the Groupe syndical de coordination Solidarność was created by Swiss trade unionists returning from their trip to Poland. Their aim is to invite a Polish trade union delegation to Switzerland. The aim is, on the one hand, to create direct and lasting contacts between the Polish and Swiss trade union groups and to exchange information at company level, and, on the other, through the presence of Solidarność members in Switzerland, to publicize its cause and thus support the Polish union. A full program of public events, meetings, conferences and company visits is planned. The visit was organized with the support of the Union des syndicats suisses / Scheizerischer Gewerkschaftsubn (SGP) and the Confédération des syndicats chrétiens / Christlichnationaler Gewerkschaftsbund (CNG). It takes place in Switzerland from November 29 to December 13, 1981.

 

Entretien avec Clive Loertscher

 

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Entretien avec Clive Loertscher mené par Renata Latała,10 September 2020, Grandvaux. 

On 29th November 1981, an official delegation from arrived in Switzerland SolidarnośćThe delegation is composed of 13 members, including a translator. They hail from various regions of Poland and represent a diverse array of professions.  

Krzysztof Podolczyński

Bolesław Franaszek

Maria Nowak

Chemical engineer, member of Solidarność in Warsaw

Jerzy Grębski

Anaesthetist, member of Solidarność  in Warsaw

Interview with
Maria Nowak-Grębska

 

"It was very important for us too, and we were very proud to be able to benefit from such professional help."

 

During its stay in Switzerland, the Solidarnosc delegation was split into two groups. One group of Polish trade unionists visited the French-speaking Switzerland, while the other visited the German-speaking part. The programme prepared by the national coordination of Swiss trade unionists included a whole series of meetings, debates and discussions with trade unionists, local authority representatives and local residents. Highlights included visits to companies and factories in Basel, Zug, Biel, etc., where they met trade unionists, employees and management. These exchanges within companies were often an opportunity to request material aid or technical support for various branches of Polish industry.

Maria Nowak was part of the Solidarnosc delegation that visited German-speaking Switzerland. The group was welcomed at thepharmaceutical company Sandoz, in Basel. Maria Nowak stresses the importance of this visit:

‘The visit was very constructive. We talked about the fact that [in Poland] there was a shortage of many basic medicines and intermediate products. Sandoz undertook to help Poland, more specifically the pharmaceutical industry, and in particular the Warsaw plant, which had a small chemical synthesis business in addition to packaging medicines. Sandoz decided to offer its assistance and send, free of charge, intermediate products essential for chemical synthesis and medicines, up to the value of 500,000 francs, products that were lacking in all the groups in Poland. This was very important for us too, and we were very proud to be able to benefit from such professional help. Among the many companies we visited were several factories producing energy meters, among other things."

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Entretien avec Maria Nowak-Grębska mené par Renata Latała, le 9 octobre 2023, Piaseczno (Varsovie).

Interview with Fernand Cuche

 

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Entretien avec Fernand Cuche mené par Renata Latała,  le 18 Juin 2020, Les Prés sur Lignières.

Interview with Jerzy Grebski

Doctor

«They were always distressed by the fact that the subject of the official discourse suddenly turned out to be a country in which there were gulags, in which there was a lack of freedom, not just trade union freedom, but freedom in general, and which constituted a threat to peace. »

During their visit to French-speaking Switzerland, the trade unionists were warmly received by various local authorities. Particularly strong links were forged during their visit to the Jura. Jerzy Grebski, a Warsaw doctor representing the Solidarnosc section in the Masovie region, was one of a group of Polish trade unionists who visited French-speaking Switzerland.

 ‘There were a few meetings, the first of which, if I remember correctly, took place in a Bobst factory. It was a former metallurgical plant that was also a packaging plant, where they made cardboard boxes for the production. A meeting was organised just like that, attended by trade unionists from these factories as well as management. It was a very political discussion. They were interested in Poland, but it was a rather formal meeting.

In constrast, meetings with Swiss farmers and milk or cheese producers were completely different. These meetings were very cordial and took place not at the level of a union or an organisation, but rather at that of a village or a community group. After our arrival, some people welcomed us into their homes for a few days. They proudly showed us their small cheese factory, where several tonnes of milk were processed, and the cheeses were truly delicious. The room was barely two square metres. And it was in a room no bigger than two large cellars that they showed us their animal pens. In fact, it was also a family reunion, as we were accompanied by our hosts' children. And to please us, they gave us skis, which two of us, visiting the French Jura, were eager to try. So, we did a bit of skiing there. It was truly a very warm welcome.

The meetings with students in Geneva, for example, were already more political. We met people with a left-wing vision. Their discussions brought back the Trotskyites, but also Bukharin, in our memories. They paved the way. I know today that they were small groups, just a few people, but very influential and extremely busy people; excellent organisers. When they invited me to introduce myself, I spoke about my political views in the same way as a Pole who had been subjected to martial law by the Communists in Poland. My answers were received with understanding, but the students were still trying to find, so to speak, an explanation for this myth of the Soviet Union that didn't work.They were always dismayed by the fact that the subject of the official speech would suddenly turn out to be a country with gulags, a country lacking freedom—not only trade union freedom but freedom in general—and which posed a threat to peace.. So, at the same time as they were, for example, anti-American, I have the impression that they had a certain fear of the Soviet Union, of the Red Army, of a possible attack. After all, in the background, we had known for a long time what the Russians were doing in Afghanistan.

But the [left-wing sympathisers] couldn't relate to the Americans. At least, that's who we met, the people from student circles in Geneva. At the time, it wasn't yet possible to talk about the Greens. The party didn't yet exist, but these were people with a clearly left-wing attitude

In contrast, the political attitude in the Jura was different; these people were not looking for large-scale political aims. They did their own politics on the spot. That was something that really touched me, because it was an internal Swiss democracy. They were used to voting several times a year, to organising all sorts of referendums, on everything from the cycle path that was going to pass by the swimming pool to the recruitment of a new employee, everything was subject to referendum. I have to say that at first it seemed exotic, but then I realised that it was a valid method, at least for such a small community. I don't know how well it would work in Poland, but it's a method and it worked there. That's how it happened, the way I saw the political aspects of Switzerland at the time.

« From the Swiss Jura, I remember very well the president of the Swiss Farmers' Association, Fernand Cuche. He was an extremely interesting person, whose profile immediately reminded us of Janosik from Poland. He had light, medium-length hair, moved with great agility and was well built. He was an excellent organiser, who charmed us with his outspokenness and the warmth he showed us, for example by inviting us to dinner with his family, and even introducing us to his girlfriend, who was also Swiss. His attitude was positive and instilled confidence in us."

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Entretien mené avec Jerzy Grębski par Renata Latała, le 9 octobre 2023, Piaseczno (Varsovie).

Interview of Fernand Cuche

 

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Interview of Fernand Cuche, realized by Renata Latała, 18th of June, 2020, Les Prés sur Lignières.